By JANNY SCOTT and LESLIE KAUFMAN
Published: July 17, 2005 (In the New York Times)
It was seen as one of the great successes of AIDS treatment. In the late
1980's and early 1990's, hundreds of children in New York City were dying
of AIDS. The only approved drugs were for adults, and many of the patients
were foster children. So doctors obtained permission to include foster
children in what they regarded as promising drug trials.
By 2000, the number of children under 20 who died of AIDS in the city that
year dropped to 13 from more than 100 per year less than a decade before.
But now, just as the trials are receding into history, they are coming under
intense scrutiny. A federal agency is investigating whether guidelines for
including foster children in trials were violated. The city's child welfare
administration has opened an independent inquiry into whether children were
harmed.
And when the head of the child welfare system testified about the trials at
a City Council hearing in May, angry spectators shouted him down.
All this is happening despite the fact that there is little evidence that
the trials were anything but a medical success. Most of the questions have
arisen from a single account of abuse allegations - given by a single writer
about people not identified by real names, backed up with no official
documentation as supporting proof, and put out on the Internet in early 2004
after the author was unable to get the story published anywhere else.
The story accused doctors of brutally experimenting on foster children, most
of them black, Latino or poor. It said they had poisoned them with toxic
drugs, sometimes against their parents' will and without even being certain
they were sick.
The charges jumped from Web site to Web site, then into The New York Post
and into a documentary shown on the BBC. The documentary alarmed
black civil rights activists and City Council members, who charged racism.
Physicians and federal health officials involved in the trials have strongly
defended their work. They say hundreds, perhaps thousands, of children
benefited; many of those were children not in foster care. To have withheld
promising drugs from sick children just because they were in foster care
would have been inhumane, the doctors say.
They say they obtained legal permission for the children's participation,
either from the biological parents or child welfare officials, in all but a
small nnumber of cases. Numerous doctors interviewed said they knew of no foster
child who died as a result of the trials.
"For those people who believe that these kids were harmed, I'd like to say,
'What is the evidence?' " said Dr. William Borkowsky, a pediatrician at
Bellevue Hospital Center who took part in the trials. "And better yet, 'Is
there evidence that they were helped?' There is very impressive evidence
that they were helped."
Missing Records
The most thorough of the investigations will not be completed for months. In
the meantime, some critics' suspicions have been stoked by admissions
by city officials that their own records are inadequate or missing. The
city's child welfare agency, the Administration for Children's Services,
which has been through four changes in administration since the trials began,
cannot even say conclusively how many foster children were involved.
More worrisome, the agency now expects that the current independent
investigation will find that there are inadequate records of parental
consent.
"We don't believe we have all the permissions by any means," said Sharman
Stein, director of communications for the children's services agency.
Already, one federal agency, the Office of Human Research Protections, found
in June that one New York hospital had approved four of the trials
without gathering enough information about the selection of foster children
as subjects, or about the process for getting their parents' or guardians'
permission. It made no finding as to whether any children were harmed or
selected improperly.
Whatever the outcome, the controversy has already demonstrated the power of
a single person armed only with access to the Internet and an
incendiary story to put major institutions on the defensive. The story taps
a combustible mix of fears: the suspicions of some activists that AIDS is
not necessarily caused by H.I.V. and that AIDS drugs do not necessarily
help, and the belief of some black people that the medical establishment
does not always have their interests at heart.
The controversy extends back to a bleak period in New York City history when
well over a hundred children a year were dying of AIDS, most under
the age of 5. As many as one in every five children infected with H.I.V.
were dead by 2, doctors now say; up to 50 percent were dead by 4.
There were no AIDS drugs approved for children in those years. The first
AIDS drug, AZT, was approved for adults in 1987. Babies were being
abandoned in hospitals, their mothers unable to care for them and with no
foster homes available. About 40 percent of the children with H.I.V. were in
foster care.
As a result, pediatricians began pressing pharmaceutical companies to let
them try drugs shown to work in adults. "People were clamoring, begging
for access to any drug," said Dr. Borkowsky.
Trials began in the late 1980's. Pediatricians asked the city to allow
foster children to participate. "To deny these kids the medications would
have been a crime," said Dr. William B. Caspe, chairman of pediatrics at Jacobi
Medical Center in the Bronx. "Because of what we did, we were able to
keep them alive until newer medications became available."
By 1989, the child welfare agency was developing rules for enrolling large
numbers of foster children in clinical trials. Carol Marcus, the agency's
lawyer in charge of that project, said that the agency had acted slowly and
carefully, aware of the need to protect a particularly vulnerable
population. In a recent interview, she said that even then she was acutely aware that the agency could be accused of racism and exploitation.
The guidelines required a panel of pediatricians to review all pediatric
AIDS trials being sponsored by the National Institutes of Health, and to
eliminate those in which there was no "prospect of direct benefit" for each
child. The agency required the consent of the child's biological parent or,
if no parent could be found, written permission from the commissioner.
Ms. Marcus says that she now believes there could have been more safeguards.
The task of matching children to trials was left to each child's
physician. She said the agency, which had seen the number of children in
their care double in two years to 40,000, was too understaffed to monitor
how each child was doing. Nevertheless, she remains proud of the agency's
response to the crisis.
In 1990, under the city's first black mayor, David N. Dinkins, the
guidelines went into effect. They were being carried out by Barbara J.
Sabol, the city's first black commissioner of social services, and by her deputy in charge of child welfare, Robert L. Little. Mr. Little, a younger brother of
Malcolm X, died in 1999, and Ms. Sabol did not return phone calls to her
office.
One center that took part in the trials was a small boarding home for
H.I.V.-infected foster children called Incarnation Children's Center, the
brainchild of Dr. Stephen W. Nicholas, now director of pediatrics at Harlem
Hospital Center. With as many as 24 infected children abandoned in the
hospital in 1988, the idea of finding them a home outside the hospital came
to him after a young patient greeted him with, "Hi, Daddy."
Working with Columbia University and the Catholic Archdiocese of New York,
Dr. Nicholas became the medical director of Incarnation, on Audubon
Avenue in Washington Heights, which opened in 1989 and added an outpatient
clinic in 1992. Foster children there and elsewhere were enrolled in
trials - at first, trials of single drugs like AZT, and later, of
multiple-drug cocktails and protease inhibitors, which by 1996 were helping
turn AIDS into a manageable, if still chronic, disease.
For 14 years, 90 percent of the children infected with H.I.V. in the city,
in foster care and not, participated in drug trials, according to estimates
by the child welfare administration. Gradually, fewer children became infected and
sick. Foster homes were found for many, and many were adopted. In
2000, Incarnation became licensed as a skilled nursing facility under the
State Department of Health, opening its doors to children not in foster
care. In 2001, Dr. Nicholas left for his current job at Harlem Hospital Center.
The story, however, does not end there.
In the summer of 2003, Incarnation was visited by Liam Scheff, a
34-year-old, self-described "very independent journalist from the 'go out
and get the story, don't let the slammed door get in your way' school of journalism" with a longtime interest in what he calls "the other side" of AIDS.
Mr. Scheff had doubts about much of what was known about AIDS. He doubted
that H.I.V. was necessarily the cause. He doubted the seeming
certainty of an AIDS diagnosis. He doubted the reliability of the H.I.V.
test and the usefulness of AIDS drugs in part, he said, because he knew
H.I.V.-positive men who had remained healthy on a macrobiotic diet.
Mr. Scheff said he had been put in touch with a New York woman who said her
two adopted children had been placed in Incarnation after she had let
them stop taking AIDS drugs she believed had made them sick. So Mr. Scheff
went to Incarnation, as a friend of the family. He said he was horrified
by what he saw.
Grim Allegations
In January 2004, he posted an article, "The House That AIDS Built," on
indymedia.org, a Web site that describes itself as an outlet for "radical,
accurate and passionate tellings of truth." He chose that approach after
trying unsuccessfully to get the article published. "I couldn't get anybody
to touch it," he said.
The article made a series of gruesome claims: Among other things, Mr. Scheff
wrote that Incarnation had been holding children against their parents'
will, in some cases force-feeding them drugs "known to cause genetic
mutation, organ failure, bone marrow death, bodily deformations." He wrote
that two children had recently died.
The article came to the attention of Vera Hassner Sharav of the Alliance for
Human Research Protection, a group she said she had founded to monitor
"the underbelly of research" after her schizophrenic son died of a reaction
to an approved drug. After his death, she said recently, she realized people
must "stop thinking you can trust the men in the white coats."
She added, "It's a business now."
Ms. Sharav forwarded Mr. Scheff's article to the 3,500 people she said
receive her e-mail "infomails" daily. She then looked into Incarnation on
the Internet. She came to suspect that children had died there, and that this
was what ended the trials and led to the license change and Dr. Nicholas's
departure. In March 2004, Ms. Sharav filed a complaint with the federal
Office for Human Research Protections and with the Food and Drug
Administration.
At the same time, The New York Post published several articles about
Incarnation under headlines like "AIDS Tots Used as Guinea Pigs." Soon, an
independent film director enlisted Mr. Scheff and Ms. Sharav to help with a
documentary, paid for and shown by the BBC, entitled "The New York
Experiment - Guinea Pig Kids."
The reports alarmed African-American activists and politicians in the city.
The accusations resonated in particular with Omowale Clay, a leader of
the December 12th Movement, a Brooklyn-based group that campaigns for
reparations for slavery, and acts as a watchdog group for civil rights
violations against blacks.
Mr. Clay said he had conducted his own research and concluded that trials
were done on black infants who did not even have H.I.V. He offered no
evidence of his claims.
"What we know already," he said, "is that 98 percent of the children
experimented on were black and Latino and that the fundamental basis of why
they chose those kids was racism. They have the arrogance to say it was for
their own good, but we know it was racism."
Last fall, Mr. Clay began showing the documentary film, which had aired only
on BBC, in churches, block association meetings and private gatherings.
He campaigned to make the child welfare agency's records public.
At the same time, two Democratic city councilmen, Charles Barron of Brooklyn
and Bill Perkins of Manhattan, also were calling for Council hearings
and an investigation by the city.
In March, the child welfare agency handed its critics new ammunition. It
revised its count of the number of children in the trials, to 465 from 89,
saying it had discovered an additional box of documents in the basement.
The news prompted a new round of scrutiny. The child welfare agency
responded by hiring the Vera Institute of Justice, an independent nonprofit
research group, to conduct an in-depth investigation at an initial cost of
$1.5 million. The move hardly tamed the fury.
Demanding Answers
In May, the City Council held a hearing and a mostly black audience booed
John B. Mattingly, the child welfare commissioner, who had been
appointed in 2004, more than three years after the last foster child was
enrolled in the drug trials.
Councilman Barron invoked the specter of the infamous Tuskegee experiments,
in which black men with syphilis were studied for 40 years, beginning
in 1932, but were neither treated nor told they had the disease. Councilman
Perkins warned, "This has deep racial connotations."
After the Council hearing, the Black Equity Alliance, a group of
African-American leaders, started contacting the news media to demand a
better accounting by the city. Dr. Billy E. Jones, a former president of the city's Health and Hospitals Corporation, who is black, said, "Nobody who has the
history that our community has, has the luxury of not being concerned."
Pediatricians involved in the trials say they are mystified by the
onslaught. While powerful drugs do have side effects, many said, they
remembered no fatal reactions. At Incarnation, Dr. Nicholas said, no child had died of a reaction and "no child ever had an unexpected side effect."
He said that, with one exception, no children had been included in the
trials without "absolute proof" by advanced testing methods that they were
infected and not simply carrying their mother's antibodies. He said the
exception was a trial that proved that by giving AZT to pregnant, infected
women and then to their newborns in the first six weeks of life it was
possible to sharply reduce the rate of H.I.V. transmission from mother to
child. He called that study "the most important clinical trial in the history of
AIDS."
In response to the charge by some critics that hospitals should have
appointed independent guardians for each child, doctors said the federal
regulations require advocates only when a trial holds "no prospect of direct
benefit" for the child. Several said their hospitals appointed advocates
anyway.
"This isn't Tuskegee, it never was Tuskegee, it never will be Tuskegee," Dr.
Borkowsky said. "This is something that has been blown totally out of
proportion by, I think, people who are vying for office and looking for
something to get them into the news."
Columbia University Medical Center, which was found by federal officials to
have "failed to have obtain sufficient information" in approving the
participation of foster children in four trials, has acknowledged what it
called a need to improve "how information is collected and decisions
documented." But it said investigators had not questioned the
appropriateness of enrolling children, the care they received, the
research's value or the scientists' conduct.
As for the city's child services agency, officials say that in all the years
since the drug trials, no family has sued or come to them with evidence of
mistreatment. Staff members, past and present, expressed pride in what they
had done; the worst thing that could have happened, they said, would
have been for the agency to have done nothing.
Mr. Mattingly, the agency's commissioner, said, "I would far rather be
having this dialogue than one in which we tried to explain why my
predecessors - confronted by a medical epidemic of unforeseen magnitude -
did not do everything possible to get these children access to promising
medication because they were in foster care. Or because the rules and
regulations designed to protect their interests were so complicated that no
children got the lifesaving help."